Showing posts with label corrupt system. Show all posts
Showing posts with label corrupt system. Show all posts

Monday, April 11, 2016

Trump erupts as Cruz sweeps Colorado without votes

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Donald Trump

Republican presidential front-runner Donald.com Trump erupted on Twitter Sunday night, after a weekend which saw Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas sweep all of Colorado’s 37 delegates without any votes being cast by citizens in a traditional primary process.

“How is it possible that the people of the great State of Colorado never got to vote in the Republican Primary? Great anger – totally unfair!” wrote Trump.

He followed it up with a second tweet: “The people of Colorado had their vote taken away from them by the phony politicians. Biggest story in politics. This will not be allowed!”

It was last August when officials with the Republican Party in Colorado decided it would not let voters take part in the early nomination process.

The Denver Post reported Aug. 25: “The GOP executive committee has voted to cancel the traditional presidential preference poll after the national party changed its rules to require a state’s delegates to support the candidate that wins the caucus vote.”

“It takes Colorado completely off the map” in the primary season, Ryan Call, a former state GOP chairman, told the paper.

The ‘Stop Hillary’ campaign is on fire! Join the surging response to this theme: ‘Clinton for prosecution, not president’

In late February, just before Super Tuesday, the Post published a scathing editorial, saying the party blundered on the 2016 presidential caucus:

“GOP leaders have never provided a satisfactory reason for forgoing a presidential preference poll, although party chairman Steve House suggested on radio at one point that too many Republicans would otherwise flock to their local caucus.

“Imagine that: party officials fearing that an interesting race might propel thousands of additional citizens to participate. But of course that might dilute the influence of elites and insiders. You can see why that could upset the faint-hearted.”

One self-avowed Trump supporter took to YouTube to express his displeasure at the process, and burned his Republican registration on camera.

“Republican Party, take note. I think you’re gonna see a whole lot more of these,” he said as he ignited his registration.

“I’ve been in the Republican Party all my life, but I will never be a Republican ever again. …You’ve had it. You’re done. You’re toast. Because I quit the party. I’m voting for Trump, and to hell with the Republican Party.”

The popular Drudge Report news site splashed a headline in red stating, “Cruz celebrates voterless victory.”

The delegate selection process in Colorado is complicated.

The Cortez Journal reported: “Cruz had 17 bound delegates ahead of the Republican state convention. Another four delegates are unpledged but publicly expressed support for the candidate, who hopes to curb momentum seen by front-runner Donald Trump.

“Cruz declared victory in Colorado, pointing out that he won all 21 delegates from the state’s seven congressional assemblies. Another 13 delegates were awarded at the state convention on Saturday. An additional three delegates in Colorado’s 37-member national delegation are unpledged party leaders.”

Cruz himself noted on Saturday, “This has been a remarkable year. I will say this, it hasn’t been boring.”

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COMMENTS

Friday, February 12, 2016

DNC allowing donations from federal lobbyists and PACs

www.washingtonpost.com

The Democratic National Committee has rolled back restrictions introduced by presidential candidate Barack Obama in 2008 that banned donations from federal lobbyists and political action committees.

The decision, which may provide an advantage to Hillary Clinton’s candidacy, was viewed with disappointment Friday morning by good government activists who saw it as a step backward in the effort to limit special interest influence in Washington.

“It is a major step in the wrong direction,” said longtime reform advocate Fred Wertheimer. “And it is completely out of touch with the clear public rejection of the role of political money in Washington,” expressed during the 2016 campaign.

The change in the rules, already apparent to leading Washington lobbyists, was quietly introduced at some point during the past couple of months.

The ban was both a symbolic and substantive way for Obama to put his stamp on the party in 2008 when he promised voters “we are going to change how Washington works.”

Since it was introduced, lobbyists and corporate advocates in Washington have complained about the ban and other limitations imposed by Obama. The only portion of the old rules now remaining in place is that lobbyists and PAC representatives will still not be able to attend events that feature Obama, Vice President Biden or their spouses, according to Mark Paustenbach, deputy communications director for the DNC.

“The DNC’s recent change in guidelines will ensure that we continue to have the resources and infrastructure in place to best support whoever emerges as our eventual nominee,” Paustenbach said in an email. “Electing a Democrat to the White House is vital to building on the progress we’ve made over the last seven years, which has resulted in a record 71 straight months of private-sector job growth and nearly 14 million new jobs.”

Last summer the DNC announced it was lifting a ban on lobbyist contributions to convention-related expenses. At the time, DNC officials said the move was necessary because Congress had eliminated about $20 million in federal funding for the quadrennial party gatherings.

The DNC’s recent, sweeping reversal of the previous ban on donations from lobbyists and political action committees was confirmed by three Democratic lobbyists who said they have already received solicitations from the committee. The lobbyists requested anonymity to speak freely about the committee’s decision, which has been otherwise kept quiet.

For the most part, they said, the DNC is back to pre-2008 business as usual. The DNC has even hired a finance director specifically for PAC donations who has recently emailed prospective donors to let them know that they can now contribute again, according to an email that was reviewed by The Washington Post.

The decision is the latest move likely to inflame tensions between the DNC and supporters of Sen. Bernie Sanders, the Vermont independent who has railed against lobbyist influence, particularly those representing Wall Street.

Clinton, the Democratic front-runner, has set up a joint fundraising committee with the DNC and the new rules are likely to provide her with an advantage.

The new rules have already opened up opportunities for influence-buying “by Washington lobbyists with six-figure contributions to the Hillary Victory Fund,” said Wertheimer, suggesting that lobbyists could also face “political extortion” from those raising the money.

Sanders has made his small-dollar-infused campaign a hallmark of his stump speech, boasting that he is the candidate of the little guy, to the point where supporters in Iowa could finish the portion of his stump speech in which he crowed that the average donation was $27.

In recent months Sanders’s supporters have accused the DNC of trying to prevent more primary debates, trying to tilt the race in Clinton’s direction. Just this week his backers were enraged that the DNC allowed the senior members of the Congressional Black Caucus to use the committee’s Capitol Hill headquarters to announce that their PAC had endorsed Clinton over Sanders.

Sanders backers have also expressed concern that the DNC is not playing a more vigorous role in checking out disputes over voting in the recent Iowa caucuses, which Clinton narrowly won.

COMMENTS

Wednesday, February 10, 2016

Clinton likely to leave NH with same number of delegates as Sanders

thehill.com

Hillary Clinton is expected to leave New Hampshire with just as many delegates as Bernie Sanders, even after he crushed her in Tuesday’s primary.

Sanders had won 13 delegates with his 20-point victory on Monday, and is expected to raise that total to 15 by the time all of the votes are counted.

Two of the state’s 24 delegates are currently unpledged, but will likely be awarded to Sanders once the results are finalized. That will raise the Sanders total to 15 delegates.

Clinton won 9 delegates in the primary, but came into the contest with the support of six superdelegates — state party insiders who are given the freedom to support which ever candidate they choose.

Superdelegate support is fluid, so it is possible that one of those delegates now committed to Clinton could switch before the national convention.

But as it stands, the superdelegate support gives Clinton a total of 15 New Hampshire delegates — the same as Sanders.

The Clinton campaign has mounted an aggressive effort to secure about 360 superdelegates across the country, according to the Associated Press. Sanders has a total of eight superdelegates.

Two of New Hampshire’s eight superdelegates are uncommitted: state party chairman Ray Buckley and state Sen. Martha Fuller Clark, according to the Associated Press.

Buckley was barred from picking a side until after the primary, while Fuller Clark told The Hill that she remains uncommitted.

“I wanted to ensure that we had a very open and fair process in New Hampshire and I don't t believe as an elected officer of the party that I should be choosing between two very fine Democrats who are running for office,” she said. 

“For the time being, I continue to hold that position and will wait until closer to the convention to decide.”

Clinton's superdelegate supporters includes Gov. Maggie Hassan, Sen. Jeanne Shaheen, and Rep. Annie Kuster.

She's also backed by Democratic National Committeemembers Joanne Dodwell, Billy Shaheen and Kathy Sullivan. 

COMMENTS

Clinton likely to leave NH with same number of delegates as Sanders

thehill.com

Hillary Clinton is expected to leave New Hampshire with just as many delegates as Bernie Sanders, even after he crushed her in Tuesday’s primary.

Sanders had won 13 delegates with his 20-point victory on Monday, and is expected to raise that total to 15 by the time all of the votes are counted.

Two of the state’s 24 delegates are currently unpledged, but will likely be awarded to Sanders once the results are finalized. That will raise the Sanders total to 15 delegates.

Clinton won 9 delegates in the primary, but came into the contest with the support of six superdelegates — state party insiders who are given the freedom to support which ever candidate they choose.

Superdelegate support is fluid, so it is possible that one of those delegates now committed to Clinton could switch before the national convention.

But as it stands, the superdelegate support gives Clinton a total of 15 New Hampshire delegates — the same as Sanders.

The Clinton campaign has mounted an aggressive effort to secure about 360 superdelegates across the country, according to the Associated Press. Sanders has a total of eight superdelegates.

Two of New Hampshire’s eight superdelegates are uncommitted: state party chairman Ray Buckley and state Sen. Martha Fuller Clark, according to the Associated Press.

Buckley was barred from picking a side until after the primary, while Fuller Clark told The Hill that she remains uncommitted.

“I wanted to ensure that we had a very open and fair process in New Hampshire and I don't t believe as an elected officer of the party that I should be choosing between two very fine Democrats who are running for office,” she said. 

“For the time being, I continue to hold that position and will wait until closer to the convention to decide.”

Clinton's superdelegate supporters includes Gov. Maggie Hassan, Sen. Jeanne Shaheen, and Rep. Annie Kuster.

She's also backed by Democratic National Committeemembers Joanne Dodwell, Billy Shaheen and Kathy Sullivan. 

COMMENTS

Thursday, January 7, 2016

'MAKING A MURDERER' NETFLIX BREAKOUT DOCUMENTARY CORRUPT SYSTEM EXPOSED

Steven Avery is escorted to the Manitowoc County Courthouse for his sentencing Friday, June 1, 2007, in Manitowoc, Wis. Dan Powers/AP

'Making a Murderer': The Story Behind Netflix's Hit True-Crime Show

Filmmakers on turning Steven Avery's case into a docu-series: "We were taking a procedural look at the system"

 BY DAVID BROWNEJanuary 6, 2016

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For anyone connecting with Netflix over the holidays, it was anything but a merry Christmas. Premiering on Dec. 18, the streaming service's docu-series Making a Murderer plunged viewers deep into one of the strangest and most disturbing true-crime cases in recent memory. In 1985, Steven Avery, a 22-year-old whose family runs an auto salvage yard in Wisconsin, was found guilty of rape and sent to prison. Eighteen years later, he was released when DNA evidence proved he was innocent, as he'd asserted all along.

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Watch 'Making a Murderer' Lawyers Defend Arguments »

But then matters took the first of many dark twists: Two years after his release, just as Avery was about to sue the county and local officials for $36 million, he was arrested for the murder of a local photographer, Teresa Halbach. Avery once more asserted his innocence, but in 2007 he was found guilty of first-degree intentional homicide and is serving life in prison with no chance of parole; Brendan Dassey, Avery's nephew who lived next door to him and allegedly took part in the murder, was also sentenced to life but will be eligible for parole in 2048.

Produced and directed by Laura Ricciardi and Moira Demos — two filmmakers with backgrounds in the law and film editing, respectively — Making a Murdererdevotes its first hour to Avery's initial arrest and trial in the Eighties. The next nine episodes follow Avery's arrest in the Halbach murder and the subsequent trial. From the crime itself to suggestions of tampered evidence and repeated shots of bleak Wisconsin winters, Making a Murderer is unrelenting, intense and sometimes infuriating. (Was Avery set up as payback for his lawsuit? Was Dassey's confession coerced?) It's also become the Internet-watercooler series of the moment; Alec Baldwin, Rosie O'Donnell, Ricky Gervais and Rainn Wilson have all recommended it on Twitter.

And the subjects' situations are still fluid. Avery is working on an appeal, and thanks to the series, an online petition from Change.Org  for release has generated over 300,000 signatures; a petition to the White House asking for President Obama to pardon Avery and Dassey has reached over 100,000 signatures. Meanwhile, Ricciardi and Demos just announced they were contacted by a juror who claims some jurors felt Avery was framed but that they voted guilty for fear of their "personal safety." ("The person felt burdened for eight years and was hoping some new evidence would come out and lead to a new trial," says Ricciardi.) In the midst of this hubbub,Rolling Stone spoke with Ricciardi and Demos about their left-field sensation.

You've said this all started with a New York Times article about Avery's arrest in 2005. What made you want to investigate further?
Ricciardi: In terms of what appealed to us about this story, unfortunately lots of people in America are charged with serious violent crime, including murder. This was not going to be a murder story to us. From reading the initial Times piece, this was a man who we thought, if we embark on this journey with him through the American criminal justice system, we'd go from one extreme of it to another. When we read this was someone exonerated in a DNA case now charged with a new crime, that struck me as unprecedented.

Demos: What we saw in Steven's story was this incredible and valuable window he provided into the system. He had been in the system in the mid-Eighties. It had failed him. He'd been wrongly convicted and here he was back in that system in 2005. It was this opportunity to say, okay, in those 20 years, DNA [testing] and legislative reforms were developed — all these things being heralded as a new and improved system. So let's test that system and see what happens. Are we better off or not?

What prompted you to move to northeast Wisconsin for nearly two years to make it?
Demos: We read the article around Thanksgiving [of] 2005 and our first day of filming was December 6. We lived in New York but at that time Laura's sister and brother-in-law lived in Chicago, so we rented a car, drove out to Wisconsin and rented a camera. The first shoot was Steven's preliminary hearing, which you see in Episode Three. That was to test the waters and see if it was worth a week of our time.

We came back to New York but it was so clear there was something going on, so by January [2006] we'd sublet our apartment and rented an apartment in Manitowoc County. A few months later, we were packing up to go back to New York to our day jobs and raise money to come back for the trial in September, and we got a call saying, "Have you heard there's going to be a press conference?" It was about Brendan [and his alleged confession about participating in the rape and murder of Halbach]. That changed everything. It made the story much more expansive. We literally unpacked our boxes and tried to figure out how we could borrow more money from our student loans to stay there.

Directors Laura Ricciardi and Moira Demos behind the scenes on the Netflix original documentary series "Making A Murderer". Danielle Ricciardi/Netflix

What was your access to Avery?
Ricciardi: Steven was in custody the entire time we were filming.  We were limited to telephone conversations with him. Before we arrived he had given some on-camera interviews to the local media. Steven was appointed counsel in the process and I believe his lawyer advised him to stop giving on-camera interviews, especially once in custody. We asked early on if we could bring a camera to visits and we were told "No."

How did you get access to prison phone calls, videotaped confessionals and other engrossing material?
Ricciardi: Wisconsin has an expansive public records law. Any materials generated by state or county officials are part of the public domain.

Demos: For all the recorded calls from the county jail or detention center, there are stacks and stacks of CDs of recorded calls in the case files. Getting them wasn't a problem as it was going through them.

"[From] what I've listened to of Serial, she's on a journey to understand what may have happened. That's not what we were doing."—Laura Ricciardi


Did you presume Avery was innocent — and did you have moments during the trial when you thought, "Hmmm … maybe not?"
Demos: It was never our interest whether he did it or not; it wasn't what it was about. Our job wasn't about any type of investigation of did he do it or not?

Ricciardi: Some people have made comparisons to Serial and The Jinx. [From] what I've listened to of Serial, she's on a journey to understand what may have happened. That's not what we were doing. Ours was much more macro. We were taking a procedural look at the system. We have no stake in the outcome of the trial; we have no stake in whether Steven is innocent or guilty. What a risk we would have taken as filmmakers to devote all our resource and time to a case if it was going to hinge in a particular outcome. What we were documenting was the procedure that led to the verdicts.

Demos: What the prosecution is doing to get a conviction is of greater importance. Does our system leave us in a place where we can rely on the verdict or not?

As viewers, we have plenty of "whoa!" moments here, as when the defense team finds a clearly tampered-with vial of blood. What were those moments for you as filmmakers?
Demos: Certainly the Brendan revelation. I don't think we saw that coming at all. That was the first press conference we attended, and that clearly changed things. When we first saw the video with Brendan — his defense investigator virtually interrogating his own client to get a statement out of him — we said, "Wait ... who's this? What cop is this?" It took a long time for us to realize this was his own defense investigator. There were definitely revelation moments and seeing things connect.

It's interesting that the defense team wasn't allowed to bring up other possible suspects during the trial.
Demos: The defense said if it was given the opportunity, they'd like to argue it wasn't Steven Avery but it may have been this person or that person. And the judge said, basically, "You haven't met your burden of proof and I'm not going to allow you to mention any of those people by name. But you can name Brendan."

Steven Avery looks around a courtroom in the Calumet County Courthouse before the verdict was read in his murder trial Sunday, March 18, 2007, in Chilton, Wis. Jeffrey Phelps/AP

Did you ever hear those names?
Ricciardi: No. The judge ordered the defense motion sealed. After the verdict, the judge unsealed the motion. It should be part of the case file now.

Class — and how it shaped Steven's standing — is also an underlying theme in the movie.
Ricciardi: What we learned along the way is that the Averys were perceived very much to be the "other" in that community. For the most part they kept to themselves. Steven had a number of priors and he would get into trouble when he essentially went out into the community and made bad choices. The Avery family was perceived to be, for lack of a better word, white trash. There was this desire as we understood it for the community to separate itself from the Averys. And that played a role. 

You didn't interview Ken Kratz, the former Calumet County District Attorney who prosecuted the case. Why not? 
Ricciardi: We reached out to Ken Kratz multiple times. I first wrote a letter to him in September 2006. I talked about how our project depended on a diversity of insight and we wanted to talk to lawyers on both sides and anyone who would talk to what was relevant to the story. Ultimately he declined as did the Halbach family.

"The takeaway is that the American criminal justice system is in peril. We as American people should have concerns about that system."—Laura Ricciardi


Demos: There's nothing in the letter, in our behavior and I would argue in the final product that supports Kratz's sense that this is a defense advocacy piece.

Kratz (as well as a local sheriff) has since told the media that certain pieces of damning evidence didn't make the movie, and Kratz has said it "really presents misinformation." How do you respond?
Demos: We tried to include as much of the trial as we thought viewers would tolerate. We tried to choose what Kratz himself was claiming was his strongest evidence. He had a press conference saying that because Steven's DNA is on the key and his blood is in [Halbach's] car, there was no question who killed Teresa Halbach. So we had to include the key and the blood. We got the list of priority evidence from Kratz himself and tried to put all that in. As storytellers it's in our interest to show conflict. It was choosing the state's strongest evidence and the defense's response to it.  By the end of the trial what did you learn Ricciardi: The takeaway is that the American criminal justice system is in peril. We as American people should have concerns about that system. The system had clearly failed Steven in 1985. He had 16 or more alibi witnesses, not all family members. There was so much evidence pointing away from guilt in that case and yet he was still convicted. We wanted to understand how that could happen. Why aren't there more safeguards in our system to protect against someone who had been wrongly convicted? How was that borne out in the Halbach trial?Ricciardi: There were certain individuals who had stakes in the outcome of this trial besides Steven Avery.  Demos: This is a small community. Steven was suing the county for $36 million. The annual budget of the county is $80 million. It was a lot easier to think that junkyard man who had been in prison maybe was the bad guy and everything will go back to normal and the county doesn't have to go bankrupt.

When did you last speak with Avery, and did he mention the reaction to the series?

Ricciardi: We last spoke with him right after Christmas. He said he received 40 letters, 30 in one day. It's difficult to speak to him. The calls are monitored and recorded. We had concerns about his safety because we've been told the Department of Corrections is not interested in inmates becoming celebrities. So we haven't talked with him about the public response to the series. It was mostly about his family visiting him at Christmas, which is rare; it was the first time that happened since he was imprisoned.

What do you make of all the on-line chatter about defense lawyer Dean Strang as a "sex symbol"?

Demos: [Laughs] I didn't see that one coming.
Ricciardi: I don't know how his wife feels about that. It's nice to be able to laugh about something like that.